Saudi Arabia commands one of the world’s largest oil outputs, purchases more U.S. weapons than any other country, and wields significant diplomatic and economic sway. Yet none of these levers were meaningfully activated to protect Palestinians.

This restraint was likely tied to its behind-the-scenes pursuit of normalization with Israel. The result is that Saudi Arabia’s potentially formidable, diplomatic influence, was reduced to symbolic rhetoric, offering Palestinians sympathy but no substantive protection.

By providing fuel, funds, and, arguably, cover to Israel’s genocide, Saudi Arabia crossed firmly into the territory of complicity. 

The oil keeps flowing

Despite the ongoing massacres and genocide in Palestine, Saudi Arabia, the wealthiest Arab state, has chosen effective silence over meaningful action. With routine condemnations in international forums, it pointedly refused to leverage its immense power to slow or stop the carnage. In stark contrast to 1973, when King Faisal wielded an oil embargo to pressure Israel’s war supporters, Saudi officials in 2023 assured Washington and Tel Aviv that no such oil leverage would be used. “That is not on the table today,” laughed Saudi investment minister Khalid al-Falih when pressed about an oil embargo to halt the Gaza war. 

Al-Falih emphasized that Saudi Arabia had “no intention” of using oil production to influence Israel’s actions, preferring “peaceful discussions” instead. This public stance all but gave the green light to Israel’s military campaign, signaling that the Kingdom would not disrupt business-as-usual in protest of Palestinian bloodshed.

Behind closed doors, Saudi Arabia’s behavior was even more troubling. Instead of applying pressure on Israel, the Saudi Crown Prince, Mohammed bin Salman, maintained, and even deepened strategic ties that indirectly fueled the assault on Gaza. 

Investigations reveal that Saudi Arabia continued to supply critical resources to Israel throughout the war. Oil exports are a prime example. A March 2024 report by Oil Change International traced how Israel consistently received shipments of crude oil via Egypt’s SUMED pipeline, a transit route that originates in Saudi Arabia and the UAE, even as bombs rained on Gaza. In fact, Saudi and Emirati oil made its way through this pipeline to Israeli refineries, providing fuel that powered Israeli jets and tanks. 

“Countries continuing to provide fuel to Israel are playing a part in enabling the ongoing violence,” the report warned. Saudi Arabia was named among those “implicated in supplying Israel with fuel” for its military operations. 

Investing in war

Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman single handedly controls the Public Investment Fund (PIF), which has poured billions into U.S. industries, including the defense sector. In recent years, the Saudi PIF quietly became a major stakeholder in U.S. arms manufacturers. It holds a $714 million stake in Boeing, and invested in other aerospace and technology firms deeply intertwined with U.S. military support for Israel. 

Read more: A Man with a Crown and Unchecked Power: Inside Saudi Arabia’s Public Investment Fund

These investments mean that Saudi money was, and still is, helping enrich the very companies arming Israel’s offensive. Rather than divest or threaten to pull these funds during the Gaza war, Saudi Arabia stayed the course, effectively betting on the war’s profiteers. 

Likewise, Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman (MBS) sent an astonishing $2 billion to former White House adviser Jared Kushner’s new equity fund, money that was explicitly earmarked to invest in Israeli tech firms. This 2022 deal marked the first known direct Saudi investment in Israel’s economy, breaking a taboo in exchange for anticipated political favors. 

By 2024, Kushner’s Saudi-funded firm had quietly acquired stakes in Israeli companies, some involved in sensitive sectors like cybersecurity and finance. In the midst of Gaza’s agony, Saudi capital was literally entangled in Israel’s high-tech and defense ecosystem, a stark conflict between the government’s proclaimed solidarity with Palestine and its monetary pursuits.

Perhaps the most brazen form of Saudi-Israeli collusion has been in security cooperation. Despite the absence of formal diplomatic relations, extensive evidence shows Riyadh and Tel Aviv working in tandem on military and intelligence matters. A telling example is the NSO Group’s notorious Pegasus spyware, an Israeli cyber weapon. 

In 2017, MBS struck a secret $55 million deal with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to obtain Pegasus, with Israel’s Defense Ministry approving Saudi use of the spyware. The quid pro quo was clear: not only did Saudi Arabia acquire a tool it later used for human rights violations and to hack dissidents, but MBS opened Saudi airspace to Israel and refrained from criticizing the U.S.-brokered Abraham Accords as part of the bargain. 

This clandestine pact underscores that Riyadh and Tel Aviv have moved from being secret contacts to strategic partners, aligning against common foes like Iran and sharing weapons technology. It is little surprise, then, that as Israeli warplanes pounded Gaza, Saudi Arabia offered no resistance; the two states’ military interests have quietly converged. 

Yemen: A mirror of Saudi Arabia’s own war crimes

Saudi complicity in the violence against Palestinians comes into even sharper relief when viewed alongside the Kingdom’s own conduct in Yemen. Since 2015, Saudi Arabia has led a brutal military intervention in Yemen that has killed and starved tens of thousands of civilians with the U.S. and UK supplying the warplanes and bombs. 

In Yemen, the Saudi-led coalition’s airstrikes have hit school buses, weddings, marketplaces, and hospitals with horrifying regularity, drawing accusations of war crimes from the U.N. and human rights organizations. Saudi forces imposed a prolonged blockade on Yemen ports, using starvation of civilians as a method of warfare, a flagrant war crime under international law. 

Yet, despite overwhelming evidence of egregious abuses, Saudi Arabia, like Israel, has faced virtually no consequences. Instead, it has leveraged its economic and diplomatic influence to escape censure, pressuring the U.N. to shutter a war crimes investigation in Yemen in 2021, and muzzling media criticism through lucrative arms and oil deals with Western powers. This reflects the impunity that is now extended to Israel. 

Saudi Arabia’s inferred support has given Israel a layer of regional cover, fragmenting what could have been a unified Arab front pressuring Tel Aviv to halt its onslaught.

The parallels are striking. In both Yemen and Gaza, warplanes bombed children with impunity, and those supplying the warplanes walked free, signaling to aggressors worldwide that with the right friends, war crimes will be ignored and even facilitated.

As Washington continues to court Saudi Arabia with security pacts and business deals, it is effectively rewarding MBS while he helps “America’s closest ally”, Israel, as they decimate Gaza. This realpolitik comes at the cost of fundamental human values.

If apartheid-like conditions and mass killings of Palestinians are ever to end, all enablers must be named, and that includes Arab states.

We are witnessing the cumulative result of double standards; one set of rules for Western-aligned powers and their friends, another set for their foes. 

In Gaza and the West Bank, countless Palestinians are grieving lost family members and watching their homeland effectively burn to ashes. In Yemen, an entire generation of children is growing up stunted and traumatized. Saudi Arabia is deeply implicated in both tragedies, by commission in one and omission in the other. 

The post Blood, Oil, and Silence: Saudi Arabia’s Role in War Crimes From Yemen to Gaza appeared first on Untold.

A video found on the phone of one of the paramedics found in the mass grave shows their last moments and was presented to the United Nations Security Council.

🚨This video was discovered on the cellphone of a paramedic who was found along with 14 other Palestinian rescue and medical workers in a mass grave in Gaza.

The Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies presented it to the UN Security Council this week. https://t.co/FozXtJ3Nsb

— Drop Site (@DropSiteNews) April 5, 2025

The incident highlights not only a pattern of violence against healthcare workers and hospitals but also the near-total absence of accountability for Israel’s conduct in Gaza, where the International Court of Justice (ICJ) has ruled that acts of genocide are plausible. These systematic attacks violate core principles of international humanitarian law and reflect an increasingly normalized assault on the right to health in war.

A global trend of escalating violence

In recent years, the targeting of healthcare workers, hospitals, and health infrastructure in conflict zones has escalated alarmingly, particularly in the West Asia and North Africa (WANA) region. Nowhere has this been more devastating than in Gaza, where the systematic destruction of the healthcare system by Israel has reached unprecedented levels. By early 2024, over 761 incidents of violence against Palestinian healthcare had been recorded — equivalent to the total number of attacks in Sudan, Ukraine, and the Democratic Republic of Congo combined.

The 2023 report by the Safeguarding Health in Conflict Coalition documented a 25 percent rise in assaults on healthcare facilities and personnel globally, making it the worst year on record. These included bombings, looting, and killings that paralyzed healthcare systems and left civilians without essential care. The report found that nearly half of these incidents were attributed to state forces. It identified clear patterns of violence against healthcare in places like Myanmar, Somalia, Sudan, Syria, Ukraine, and, critically, in Gaza.

“Conflicts where violence against healthcare becomes a consistent pattern frequently start with extreme levels of violence against the health system,” the report noted. In 2023, this trend was particularly stark in Manipur (India), Sudan, and Gaza.

Israel’s war on Gaza: Healthcare under siege

Israel’s bombardment and siege of Gaza have not only devastated homes and infrastructure but systematically dismantled its healthcare system. Hospitals and clinics have been bombed, medical convoys attacked, and healthcare workers abducted and killed. The Kamal Adwan Hospital, for example, was targeted in repeated airstrikes, and its director, Dr. Hussam Abu Safiya, remains in Israeli custody where he has reportedly been mistreated. Al Shifa hospital, Gaza’s largest medical complex, was also attacked and destroyed, with an investigation by Forensic Architecture revealing mass graves in the hospital grounds. 

By February 2024, the World Health Organization (WHO) reported that every hospital in Gaza was either damaged, destroyed, or rendered inoperable due to fuel shortages and attacks. The WHO had already documented 427 attacks on healthcare in Gaza and the West Bank by November 30, 2023, resulting in 566 deaths and 758 injuries.

Dozens of videos filmed by Israeli soldiers demolishing hospitals, schools and other civilian infrastructure have circulated online. One recent example is the destruction of the Turkish Friendship Hospital.

🚨Breaking: The Israeli army blows up and destroys the Turkish Friendship Hospital, the only hospital in Gaza dedicated to cancer patients. pic.twitter.com/QM0b3JKsDI

— Gaza Notifications (@gazanotice) March 21, 2025

In March 2025, a UN investigation concluded that Israel’s destruction of reproductive healthcare facilities in Gaza — targeting maternity wards, IVF clinics, and restricting access to essential care — amounted to genocidal acts. The report detailed how these deliberate attacks, along with restrictions on food and medical supplies, have partly destroyed the reproductive capacity of Palestinians in Gaza. 

“They ordered all of us, men and women, to take off our clothes and to continue walking, ordering us to only look forward. I was walking naked between the tanks, not even wearing underwear. An Israeli soldier spit in my face. I forced myself not to react as I knew they would… pic.twitter.com/8hW3C901tj

— Jewish Voice for Peace (@jvplive) March 21, 2025

Israeli attacks on healthcare in Lebanon

Israel’s attacks on healthcare have extended beyond Palestine’s borders. During its attacks on Lebanon, from October 2023 to October 2024, Israel bombed 37 health facilities and killed 70 health professionals. By November 1, 2024, the toll had risen to 178 healthcare workers killed and 292 injured. A total of 243 ambulances, 84 clinics, and 40 hospitals were affected by Israeli attacks.

The WHO has noted that nearly half of the healthcare attacks in Lebanon resulted in fatal outcomes, making it the most deadly conflict for health workers globally in terms of mortality rate per incident.

The sheer scale of these attacks has prompted international legal responses. In December 2023, South Africa filed a case at the ICJ accusing Israel of genocide in Gaza. Numerous countries from the global majority have joined the suit. In 2024, the International Criminal Court (ICC) issued arrest warrants for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Defense Minister Yoav Gallant for war crimes and crimes against humanity.

Despite these moves, Israel has faced no sanctions or meaningful accountability from its Western allies. This impunity stands in stark contrast to the legal obligations of states under international humanitarian law and the Genocide Convention.

A broader pattern: Attacks on healthcare in Sudan, Syria, and Yemen

In Sudan, the ongoing conflict has led to significant damage to healthcare infrastructure. In the first 500 days of the civil war, nearly half of the hospitals in Khartoum were damaged, severely impacting medical care. A report documented damage to 41 of the 87 hospitals in Khartoum, violating international humanitarian law and pushing the already fragile health system to the brink of collapse, with 70 percent of health facilities inoperable in affected states.

​An UntoldMag investigation revealed systematic attacks on hospitals in Al Fasher, targeting medical professionals and further decimating Sudan’s healthcare infrastructure.

Sudan has since lodged a case at the ICJ against the United Arab Emirates (UAE), accusing it of breaching the genocide convention by funding and arming the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) rebel group in Sudan’s ongoing war. Sudan alleges the UAE supported the RSF in committing genocide, murder, rape, and other human rights violations.

In Syria, the decade-long war has also witnessed extensive targeting of healthcare facilities and personnel, leaving the country with a battered and overwhelmed health system. In 2021, a report by the International Rescue Committee showed some of the devastating losses and attacks on healthcare in the country. Of the people surveyed in the report, 56 percent said they would be afraid to live near health facilities because they are targets.

In Yemen, the protracted conflict has led to numerous attacks on healthcare facilities by the Saudi-led coalition, further deteriorating the already fragile health system. The destruction of hospitals and clinics has left millions without access to essential medical services, exacerbating the humanitarian crisis. Reports indicate Saudi Arabia and the UAE have conducted over 130 attacks on hospitals and healthcare infrastructure, violating international humanitarian law. 

The collapse of a legal and moral order

This increasing normalization of attacks on healthcare facilities and personnel reflects a crisis in the post-WWII world order, with international law, institutions, and protections under an unprecedented attack. 

Protections enshrined in international law — particularly the Geneva Conventions — are routinely flouted, especially by powerful states and their allies. While legal mechanisms like the ICJ and ICC offer glimmers of hope, they remain toothless without enforcement mechanisms and political will.

The ICC and ICJ cases, along with reactions from Western countries, highlight the lack of accountability for perpetrators. Without sanctions, legal action, and the end of political shielding for countries like Israel, the erosion of norms protecting civilians in conflict will continue — and with it, the further collapse of the fragile systems meant to protect life in times of war.

An emotional speech by pediatric intensive care doctor Tanya Haj-Hassan, who has worked in Gaza, reflects the dangers of normalizing attacks on hospitals and medical workers.

18 months of this holocaust. Our leaders still support it.

“When I was in Gaza, I felt like it was the prelude to the end of humanity,” heroic doctor Tanya Hassan told UN.

Don’t you feel it, too? I cannot see a way back from what we’ve allowed to happen.pic.twitter.com/bf0YvDzF8c

— Matt Kennard (@kennardmatt) March 20, 2025

The normalization of attacks on healthcare is a direct consequence of this impunity. It reflects not only a collapse in global governance but a dangerous redefinition of what is permissible in war. As long as perpetrators face no consequences, hospitals will continue to be bombed, doctors will be treated as combatants, and the right to health will remain one of war’s earliest casualties.

The post Across War Zones, Targeting Healthcare has Become a Strategy, not an Accident appeared first on Untold.

She wanted the child, but she was sure she and her husband couldn’t afford it. They had barely anything to eat every day. She was weak and was wondering about her health and life after delivering the baby. I started searching carefully for help around, despite disagreeing with her will, and I discovered an impressive undergrowth of female rebellion and resilience among midwives, even in the village where I was living. Ultimately she decided to keep the baby. Exactly the opposite of Isra’a and Ahmed in The Burdened. 

It takes a lot of courage to make a movie like The Burdened . Gamal, the director, was born in Yemen where he lives and works. In the North, in Sana’a, an area controlled by the Houthis, the beautiful Belqis cinema is in ruins. In the South, Yemeni cinema started a new season only in 2018 when Amr Gamal made and produced Ten days before the wedding, his first movie, a Yemeni comedy about life in the midst of war. At that time, the director used to rent hotel halls for weddings and transform them into cinemas to project the movie. People waited in long queues. Tickets were available online.  The complicity of the security teams at the entrance was what made the screening possible in the end. Yemenis loved Ten days before the wedding, shot with an extremely low budget and with locals acting as extras.

“My inspiration comes from the Italian neorealist cinema of Roberto Rossellini,” Amr Gamal told me, when we met in Aden. “I’m a huge fan of Rome, Open city as well as Cycles’ thieves by Vittorio De Sica. Maybe it is because our Yemeni society in the South after the war looks like the Italian one in post-Fascism. But I wish to tell stories of real people, inside real cities. I don’t want to fictionalize anything. I stay stuck to reality”. 

We met under the main mosque of the older neighborhood of Crater, a district in Yemen’s Aden governorate, where British colonization started. In front of us stood the shattered building of Crater Hotel, once a luxurious spot in the city. Now there are plans for reconstruction, funded by the UAE, after Houthi and Saudi-aligned bombs reduced it into a gruyere. It was impossible to have some privacy: every two minutes a random guy, girl or family showed up and asked Gamal for a selfie. 

Despite its isolation, Yemen is still a country with an active youth very connected to the global world via social media. It has its influencers and celebrities. And Gamal is definitely one of them, a young man, proud of being Yemeni with a huge sense of global cinematic culture.

“Look at this building”, he told me. I saw a simple house, two floors, in colonial British style. “There, for some time, lived Artur Rimbaud, the French poet. I consider this a holy place for the history of the city. And look how it is neglected now. It’s a pity.” I was sure that his second movie could be a leap in quality. And The Burdened really was.

The Burdened has received widespread critical acclaim from both film critics and audiences. It was nominated at the 2024 Oscars and won several awards at various international film festivals after it was screened in Berlin in 2023. It was later screened at many other international film festivals, including Sydney, Shanghai, Beijing, Taipei, and Durban. The film was commercially released in theaters in Taiwan and France in 2023, and its commercial screenings began in January 2024.  

Jonathan Romney of Screen International said, “What’s striking is how extremely spare and to the point Gamal’s storytelling style is: there’s zero fat on the bones of this story, giving the film a taut directness”. Jay Weissberg of The Film Verdict described the movie as “a rigorously controlled, moving evocation of a family exhausted by the difficulties of keeping it all together”.

“This is the story of a couple who decide to proceed with abortion, going through many steps to succeed, and keep getting rejected. Making abortion illegal, as it is in Yemen, will never stop people from doing it. And these characters will just risk their lives,” says Gamal explaining his inspiration for his movie. But this movie explores more than abortion rights.  “This family simply couldn’t afford another child,” he clarifies. “They were already sinking. It’s not about what’s forbidden and what’s not. It’s about a personal decision to survive. In a way, this dilemma represents the whole Yemen crisis. We have a bigger population now and no future.”

The production of the movie was far from easy. The 70 days of shooting were marked by intense challenges. Gamal’s production partner, the well-known Yemeni YouTuber Mohsen Al-Khalifi, recounts the full story:

“During filming, we faced extreme heat waves, power outages that lasted up to 18 hours a day, and rapidly deteriorating currency. When we began shooting, one USD was worth 800 Yemeni rials, but by the time we finished, the exchange rate had surged to 1,500 rials. This economic turmoil sparked public outrage, forcing us to halt outdoor filming for several days. Later, in early October 2022, Aden descended into civil unrest, trapping our crew and cast in a modest hotel in Crater for three days. The hotel was the only safe place, as the streets were rife with random gunfire. On top of that, the health system in Yemen was collapsing, and several members of our crew fell ill with fevers during an epidemic.”

Despite these obstacles, they managed to complete the entire film in those 70 days, not leaving out a single scene. Remarkably, they were able to shoot all of the outdoor scenes—which make up 40% of the movie—using a large number of extras, the largest group ever assembled for a film in Yemen. “I’m not exaggerating,” says Al-Khalifi. “We had more than 500 extras over the course of the movie.” The main cast consisted of 50 actors and actresses of various ages, many of them first-time performers, who were selected through auditions announced via social media.

If you don’t find these numbers and challenges surprising, you likely don’t understand how difficult it is to make a film in Yemen.

In reality, Yemeni cinema – understood as cinema produced in Yemen and made by Yemeni directors – is quite limited. It is much easier to come across movies with an orientalist flavour that look at Yemen romantically or films using Yemen as a setting. The first type includes “A new day in Old Sana’a” by Baden Ben Hirsi, a British director of Yemeni ancestry. The film was produced in 2005 and received some attention both at the Cairo International Film Festival and at Cannes. 

The second type includes the films that Pier Paolo Pasolini shot in the country in the Seventies (“A Thousand and One Nights”, “The Walls of Sana’a”). Even the fiction films and documentaries by Khadija al Salami (“I am Nojood”, “Scream”), the first Yemeni woman director and producer, were partly shot in Yemen but produced in France. The only case of in-house production, before Amr Gamal, was a 2008 work strongly recommended by the former Minister of the Interior to prevent the hemorrhage of young Yemenis into the ranks of al-Qaeda. “The losing bet”  by Mutaher al-Masri, produced by Fadl al-Olfi, tells the end of two Yemeni jihadists, returned to the country after years abroad to recruit new members and carry out deadly operations in Yemen.

Al-Khalifi is well aware of the immense burden the production work placed on his shoulders. “We (Gamal, Amjad Abu Alala, and Mohammed Alomda) founded our own production company, Adenium, but securing financing was a struggle. In the end, we managed to secure funds from Station Films, a Sudanese production company,” he explains. When asked why they faced similar challenges during the making of their first film, Ten Days Before the Wedding, Amr Gamal is clear in his response: “We still believe that cinema is a universal language—a medium that can transcend borders and speak directly to the world. I received threats from militias and unidentified individuals, but I don’t care.”

Al-Khalifi adds, “One of the key themes in our film is sacrifice and survival. In the story, a family makes the difficult decision to ‘sacrifice’ a newborn in order to survive. But how many other sacrifices are being made because of the war? Poverty kills more people than bullets.”

After the huge success of Ten days before the wedding, Gamal had the chance of living abroad. “I gave this a thought,” he said, “and I received many offers but what will happen to me if I leave Yemen? I will be a fish out of the sea”. Gamal chose to stay in Yemen, despite residency opportunities in the United States and Saudi Arabia. 

So again, he started a new project. These days, Gamal and his trustworthy crew are filming around Aden and Yemen. “We cannot disclose the new project and the plot. For sure, our participation in Berlin helped us a lot. Now, we are fully focused on finishing it. Making films in a country like ours requires a miracle, and we still need many of them. But we want to tell our untold stories. At any cost.”

The post The Burdened: Yemen’s struggle for survival told through cinema appeared first on Untold.

Director Amr Gamal’s second feature film is the first Yemeni film to have been screened at the Berlin International Film Festival in 2023 and to have subsequently won a vast array of awards at international festivals. I had the chance to watch it when it was screened at the Al Film, Berlin Arab Film Festival in April 2024. 

The Burdened follows the journey of a middle-class Yemeni family as the everyday becomes progressively more difficult to manage on account of the ongoing civil war and the ensuing inflation and economic deprivation.  Isra’ (Abeer Mohammed) and her husband Ahmed (Khaled Hamdan) -a former TV employee who now resorts to driving a minibus to ensure a daily wage- must give up the comfort of their small apartment which they share with their three children and move to an inconspicuous studio located on the outskirts of the city, by a cemetery and a dumpster. These are times marked by constant hardship and every small expenditure demands great sacrifice and recourse to alternative resources. 

The family’s misfortune only grows when the couple realises Isra’ is pregnant with a fourth child, which, both agree, they cannot afford to bring up in their current situation. What follows is then an impossible quest to try and terminate the pregnancy. Isra’ first turns to her old friend Mona, a practicing gynaecologist at the local hospital, only to be reprimanded for wanting to commit a sinful act. The weight of this societal taboo does not, however, halt Isra’ and Ahmed’s determination; on the contrary, the couple explores all possibilities as the abortion becomes a sine qua non condition of their family’s sheer survival. The despair leads them to solicit the services of a dubious woman who practices illegal and unsafe abortions at home in exchange for a wad of notes. Realising her friend is ready to put her own life on the line in order to have the abortion, Mona suddenly shows up and interrupts the illegal procedure and then offers Isra’ to carry it out herself in the safer environment of the hospital, under the pretence that the foetus is not viable. Mona thus jeopardises her own career and beliefs and subsequently takes distance from her friend once the procedure is achieved.

The Burdened is a stunning film; one that beautifully depicts the tour de force operated by the main protagonists (exceptionally performed by the actors) in the face of the dire conditions of present-day Yemen, its run-down hospitals, destitute population, lack of proper infrastructure, and takeover by militias.

The Burdened (Amr Gamal, Yemen/Sudan/Saudi Arabia, 2023, 91 min.)

The post The Burdened: a cinematic tale of misfortune and determination in Yemen appeared first on Untold.

This article was originally published by Ensia. 

On a recent trek through Yemen’s Socotra island, local resident Issa al-Rumaili stops to point out a spot in the distance: “In front of us are the ruins of a vast forest of dragon blood trees,” he says.

The post Amidst ongoing conflict, efforts to save this endemic tree are threatened appeared first on Untold.